Writings by Allyson Hobbs


We arrived at a drab and nondescript building near Ursula Avenue and Ware Road in McAllen, Tex., by relying on vague directions and word of mouth. No one would imagine that this building is the epicenter of the current immigration detention crisis. The 77,000-square-foot facility is framed by palm trees and surrounded by warehouses. It does not have an official address, nor does it show up on Google maps. As historians who study race, detention and migration, we came here because we wanted to understand what is happening at ground zero.

Life in McAllen remains largely unchanged despite the national outcry that has ensued. Photographs and audio of inconsolable children crying for their parents, housed in what Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) described as “cages” and “dog kennels,” have shocked the nation. Pediatricians and child psychologists reported that these conditions would lead to long-term trauma and attachment disorders.

How could it be possible for everyday life to remain the same for most of McAllen’s residents amid this humanitarian crisis?

The Washington Post, June 25, 2018
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"My color shrouds me in…” Wallace Thurman’s The Blacker the Berry adopts this line from Countee Cullen, another Harlem Renaissance writer, as one of its two epigraphs. (The other is the well-known “Negro folk saying” that supplies the novel’s title: “The blacker the berry / The sweeter the juice…”) Through the life of his protagonist, Emma Lou, Thurman delves deep into the painful history of colorism, a term defined by Alice Walker to mean “prejudicial or preferential treatment of same-race people based solely on their color.” Emma Lou, Thurman writes, “was black, too black, there was no getting around it.” Her skin color overdetermines her life circumstances and alienates her from lighter-skinned family members, including her grandmother, who takes pride in her “blue veins,” and her mother, who wishes that Emma Lou had been born a boy because “black boys can make a go of it, but black girls…”

The Nation, April 26, 2018
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Standing 285 feet tall, Hoover Tower occupies a central place on Stanford’s campus. It is one of the university’s most recognizable landmarks. It houses the Hoover Institution, a think tank known for its members’ conservative leanings and for providing an institutional refuge for Reagan and Bush administration figures, including former secretaries of state George Shultz and Condoleezza Rice.

In early March, 30 white men (and one white woman) gathered to discuss “applied history” at a quietly organized and unpublicized Hoover Institution conference. The conference organizer Niall Ferguson handpicked members of his personal network, “rack[ing] his brain” for people he knew who worked on “the right kind of material.”

The Washington Post, March 26, 2018
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When former President Barack Obama concluded his farewell address on Jan. 11, 2017, Bruce Springsteen’s anthem, “Land of Hope and Dreams,” played for the 18,000 supporters who had crowded into McCormick Place in Chicago. Obama’s soaring speech, followed by Springsteen’s song, offered a momentary respite from the grief, dread and shock many Americans experienced after the election of Donald Trump.

As the night came to a close and Michelle and Barack Obama walked off the stage hand in hand, one era was ending and another was coming into sharper view. Obama’s and Springsteen’s messages blended together to reassure listeners that everything would be all right: “Leave behind your sorrows/Let this day be the last/Tomorrow there’ll be sunshine/And all this darkness past.”

One year after Trump’s inauguration, a majority of Americans know that everything is not all right. The darkness that Springsteen sang about has not passed. Instead, it has surrounded and battered us on a daily, sometimes hourly, basis. Just when we think things can’t get any worse, news breaks of another ill-informed, inappropriate and unpresidential tweet. 

Trump’s lead role in escalating tensions between the United States and North Korea created mass hysteria in Hawaii when an emergency message was sent in error about a ballistic missile threat. Hawaiians and tourists ran to seek shelter and wrote frantic goodbyes via text message to their loved ones. Pick your nightmare. Anything is possible—even nuclear holocaust—with Trump as president.

The Root, January 20, 2018
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In 1870 and 1871, Congress passed three Enforcement Acts that safeguarded the rights of African Americans to vote, hold office, serve on juries and receive equal protection under the law. These acts, also known as the “Ku Klux Klan Acts,” targeted the Klan for acting murderously to prevent African Americans from exercising their rights as citizens.

Today 146 years later, we could use the Enforcement Acts once more.

The Guardian, August 21, 2017
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In Toni Morrison’s 1987 Pulitzer Prize-winning novel, Beloved, the character Baby Suggs has survived more than 60 years in slavery and has lost eight children. She preaches a sermon to a group of formerly enslaved people and beseeches her audience to love themselves—their hands, their backs, their hearts, their laughter, their dances, their very flesh—because others do not:

In this here place, we flesh; … Love it. Love it hard. Yonder they do not love your flesh. They despise it. They don’t love your eyes; they’d just as soon pick em out. No more do they love the skin on your back. Yonder they flay it.

On Friday afternoon, the announcement that Jeronimo Yanez, the police officer who fatally shot Philando Castile, had been acquitted of all charges, brought many people to something like “this here place” that Morrison described in Beloved. Yanez had been charged with second-degree manslaughter and endangering safety. Protesters outside the governor’s mansion in St. Paul, Minn., expressed disbelief, outrage and anguish. But for some, there was no surprise at all.

The Root, June 21, 2017
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This book asks if Barack Obama's election as the 44th President of the United States represented a paradigmatic shift in the political and cultural tides. It works to move beyond a renewed acknowledgement of the extraordinary symbolic value of a black man having become president in a country still rife with racial problems. Specifically, 'Obama and the Paradigm Shift' investigates those areas of cultural politics in which Obama's election to the U.S. presidency were expected to make the greatest impact. These include racial politics, normative forms of masculinity and femininity, and an abatement of the divisiveness of the political climate. Outside of the United States, the volume questions the degree to which these phenomena have affected related areas in German culture. Adopting a trans-Atlantic perspective, 'Obama and the Paradigm Shift' reflects on ways the presidency has impacted on German cultural politics particularly regarding women in power and a politics of affect. 

Allyson Hobs, "Conclusion: A Paradigm Shift in Fits and Starts" 

A review by Johnny Van Hove:

This timely volume emerged out of the conference "Obama and the Paradigm Shift", organized in the summer of 2011 at the University of Giessen, and offers 10 essays that ask if and to what extent Barack and Michelle Obama caused a paradigm shift in the U.S. and Germany in terms of gender, race, and political divisiveness. Despite not always being consistent, especially not in terms of its self-declared transcultural approach, this collection of essays offers lively, differentiated, multifaceted, and critical readings of the presidency of the Obamas. As such, it provides enrichment for the current, deeply polarized book market on the Obamas.

“40 Million Ways To Be Black”: A Reconsideration Of “Who Is Black America”?

The legendary blues musician Rufus Thomas once gushed to a white man, “If you were black for one Saturday night on Beale Street, you would never want to be white again.” Like Thomas, many others have romanticized the image of a warm and welcoming black community. In addition, African American identities have often been flattened, homogenized, and reduced to a form of shorthand or a taken-for-granted concept—think of phrases such as “the black experience,” “the black vote,” “the black family,” and “the black community.” But as the panelists in session one, “Who is Black America,” made clear, there is no essentialized, immutable, or true black “identity” waiting to be found just below the surface. Rather, as the speakers argued, identities are conditional, contingent, and “always in process.”

Each presenter in the session offered new frameworks to understand the complexity and multiplicity of black identities. In doing so, they made several critical points: that we have been less attentive to identities that we consider shameful and that these identities have often been silenced in our family histories and in our classrooms; that we have yet to fully understand the complex historical connections between Native American and African American identities or the role that the knowledge of the law played in how African Americans understood themselves as Christians; and that each generation must grapple with the particular historical contexts that shape how identities are lived. Still, African American identities function as intangible spaces of imagination or sets of symbols to which people feel powerful attachments.

The Future of the African American Past
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Why We Can't Look Away from Violence against Black People

“I’m white! I’m white!”

On July 27, 1919, a recent immigrant from Italy was running for his life. Covered in dirt, he feared that the policemen who sped into his Chicago neighborhood in patrol wagons and squad cars might mistake him as black and “shoot him down.”

Chicago had exploded into a bloody race riot that lasted five days. By the time calm was restored to the city’s streets, thirty-eight people were dead, 537 were injured, and over a thousand had lost their homes. African Americans comprised the vast majority of the victims.

historynewsnetwork.org, June 11, 2015
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Chronicle of Higher Education

“A History of Loss”

Alexander Manly could have been the first victim of the bloody race riot that exploded in Wilmington, North Carolina in early November 1898. Manly, the publisher of the Daily Record, North Carolina’s only African American newspaper, was the target of the rioters after he wrote an inflammatory editorial challenging white-supremacist charges that black men were assaulting white women. Manly fired back that the white women who claimed that black men raped them, in fact, engaged in consensual sex. Manly’s press was burned to the ground. He narrowly escaped to Philadelphia, but upon his arrival, he discovered that work was hard for a black man to find. Employers summarily rejected his applications for employment as a painter and a decorator, claiming that no union would accept a black worker.

“So I tried being white,” Manly explained to journalist Ray Stannard Baker, “that is, I did not reveal the fact that I had coloured blood and I immediately got work in the some of the best shops in Philadelphia. I joined the union and had no trouble at all.”

The Chronicle of Higher Education, February 9, 2015
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The ‘White’ Student Who Integrated Ole Miss

When Harry S. Murphy arrived at the University of Mississippi in the fall of 1945, he was nervous. He landed at Ole Miss by way of the Navy's V-12 program, a wartime measure that allowed young men to take college classes, receive naval training and preparation to become officers.

Murphy was black, but university officials did not know that. He had a white complexion and wavy brown hair. A military official checked the "W" box for white when Murphy enlisted in the Navy.

cnn.com, February 5, 2014
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‘I, Too, Am Harvard’ Raises Alumnae Concern

As we watched the video for “I, Too, Am Harvard,” our hearts broke. 

Harvard undergraduates recounted painful experiences of isolation and alienation. They spoke of being maligned, underestimated and underappreciated. One student said that he did not feel valued or valuable. Another student said that although she went to Harvard, she was not “of Harvard.”

Scholars have a term for the insults described by these students. “Racial microaggressions” are defined as “brief and everyday slights, insults, indignities and denigrating messages sent to people of color by well-intentioned white people who are unaware of the hidden messages being communicated.” Hurtful words are spoken, but the speaker has little or no awareness of the meaning or effect of what he or she has said.

“Microaggressions” sounds like a misnomer to us. In the powerful delivery of “I, Too, Am Harvard,” we found nothing “micro” about what these students experienced.

theroot.com, April 2, 2014 co-authored with Florencia Greer Polite, M.D.
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Allyson Hobbs has been quoted in:


Bill Duke, Light Girls,

Documentary Film, Oxygen, Winter 2015


Felicia Lee, “In a Novelist’s World, You Choose Your Race,”

nytimes.com, August 11, 2014
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Koa Beck, “The Legend of Vera Nabokov: Why Writers Pine for a Do-It-All Spouse,”

theatlantic.com, April 8, 2014
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Peter Morris and Stefan Fatsis, “Baseball’s Secret Pioneer,”

slate.com, February 4, 2014
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